![]() ![]() The developmental timeline of generalization has been investigated extensively for the English plural and past tense. Importantly, overgeneralization errors have been viewed as a positive sign that the child has abstracted the regularities of their language (e.g., add -s to indicate there is more than one thing) and applied that regularity in a productive way (i.e., the child has not likely heard the adult use that form). Overgeneralization errors are not uncommon in child speech, although like all aspects of early language development, there is considerable variation across children in how many errors children make (Marcus et al. At the same time, they might worry because the child has overgeneralized the regular plural -s inflection to an irregular form ( teeth). When a child gleefully says Mommy, I brushed my tooths!, a proud parent might rejoice in their child’s accomplishment. We begin by describing cross-sectional patterns of overgeneralization across languages and then turn to characterizing longitudinal change in overgeneralization in two languages which have different morphological systems, English and Norwegian. The developmental time course of children’s overgeneralization errors has been an influential case study for language learning – and mental representation more broadly (Rumelhart and McClelland 1986 Pinker and Prince 1988 Pinker 1991 Elman et al. Moreover, plural and past tense forms are viewed as a window into the mechanisms underlying productive language use because children will sometimes make overgeneralization errors, such as tooths or goed. These two morphological systems are well-studied in the literature because plural (e.g., cats) and past tense forms (e.g., walked) are some of the earliest to be produced by young children (Brown 1973). In this brief chapter, we rectify that omission by examining patterns of morphology in two cases, plural noun morphology and past tense verb morphology. 18.2 Limitations of Wordbank and the CDIĬhapter 14 Morphological OvergeneralizationĪlthough Chapter 13 examined broad patterns of morphosyntactic development in relation to vocabulary size, we did not conduct specific analyses of the development of morphology per se.17.3.3 Generalizations appear gradually.17.3.2 Individual word meanings must be inferred based on (cross-situational) evidence.17.3.1 Language grows through interactional input.17.2.3 Children take different routes into language.17.2.2 Children’s similar interests drive their communication.17.2.1 The language system is tightly woven.16 Variability and Consistency Within and Across Languages.15.4 Variation in comprehension vs. production.15.2.4 Vocabulary composition differences across siblings.15.2.3 Vocabulary composition and grammatical ability.15.2.2 Growth-corrected vocabulary composition. ![]() 15.2.1 Measuring vocabulary composition in individuals.15.2 Variation in vocabulary composition.13.3.2 Grammar and Lexicon Relationship.13.1.1 Correlations between grammar and the lexicon.13 Morphology, Grammar, and the Lexicon.12 Vocabulary Composition: Semantic Categories.11.1.1 The composition of early vocabulary.11 Vocabulary Composition: Syntactic Categories.10 Predictive Models of the Acquisition of Individual Words.9 Demographic Variation in Individual Words.8.3 Acquisition similarity and linguistic similarity.7.3 The relationship between language and gesture.7.2.2 Consistency of the first gestures.7.2.1 Measuring the development of gesture.7.2 Measurement properties of CDI gestures.6 Demographic Effects on Vocabulary Size.5.2.2 Is there a ceiling to variability?.4.3.3 Lexical category effects on item performance.4.3.1 Measurement properties of individual WS items.4.2 Longitudinal stability of CDI measurements.4.1 Strengths and limitations of parent report.3.2.5 Longitudinal vs. cross-sectional data.3.1.5 Unilemmas: cross-linguistic conceptual mappings.2.1.2 Other methods of measuring early vocabulary.2.1.1 The logic of parent report and its strengths.1.5 Replication and theory-building: Conclusions.
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